Live Q&As

You're right that the Democratic candidate for governor, Johnny Dupree, supported the measure, probably because he hoped it would neutralize it as an issue. But his position made no sense, frankly: He said he was voting on whether life began at conception despite doubts about IVF, ectopic pregnancies, and rape and incest exceptions -- none of which this measure had. A majority of Mississippians had the same concerns and voted no. 

I think it was crucial. The letter from the Baptist minister in Greenville Mississippi I cite in my piece yesterday was particularly crucial, because it was a long and thoughtful assessment that broke from the Baptist leadership to oppose the measure. Even though Personhood is consistent with Catholic doctrine, more or less, bishops around the country declining to endorse Personhood amendments (mostly for tactical reasons) were also significant. I think people who considered themselves pro-life and of faith were looking for ways to validate their discomfort with the sweeping language of the initiative. 

Actually, it looks like the turnout was quite high, though I haven't seen a full breakdown of the numbers yet, and the bipartisan support was for the amendment, not against it. I think the reason it failed, as I outline in my piece today, is that the opposition succeeded in pointing out that it was about more than just abortion rights (which many Mississippians say they oppose), but also about elements of reproductive freedom they value, like in-vitro fertilization, access to reliable contraception, and emergency procedures for ectopic pregnancies. 

I know the grassroots of the opposition feel extremely proud of what they pulled off, despite reasonable expectation that it would pass. One of the activists, Cristen Hemmins, told me before the vote, "All of the nation and people around the world are waiting to see how we vote - and whether Mississippi is going to reinforce all the negative stereotypes that most people have of our state. Are we going to vote against our interests again? Are we going to be the backwards idiots they think we are? I really think we're going to prove them wrong.

I've been surprised at how much attention the issue has gotten, so maybe this will influence perceptions of the Mississippian voter.

Yes, the average Mississippi woman seeking an abortion can expect to drive several hours to get one, whether in the one clinic in Jackson, or in another state (apparently some women go to Memphis, Little Rock, or New Orleans.) The only Planned Parenthood in the state doesn't perform abortions. I was told that at one time, there were seven abortion clinics in the state, but the pro-life movement has declared near-victory on that front. And in fact, the woman who opened the first abortion clinic in Mississippi, Beverly McMillan, is now the president of Pro Life Mississippi and was a key advocate for Initiative 26. 

They had to get the message out that you could call yourself "pro-life," a broadly-adopted term in the state, and still oppose Initiative 26. The challenge is that explaining the actual implications of calling fertilized eggs people takes a lot more words than "do you want to save babies or not?" 

They also got started late, because they thought they could mount a legal challenge to get it off the ballot in the first place. In the meantime, Personhood Mississippi was organizing through churches and activating the thousands of people it had gotten to sign the petition to get it on the ballot. But it turned out they represented a relative fringe. 

Nationally, so-called "Personhood" amendments are being proposed in several states for the 2012 ballot, including Florida, Montana, Ohio, Oregon, Nevada and California. In Mississippi, the local activists are talking about trying to push it through the legislature, which given that they had widespread support of elected leaders, might just work (even if it would immediately be met by a legal challenge). On the other hand, legislators might back off after the voters rejected it.

Traditionally, abortion opponents have focused on incremental limits like waiting periods, ultrasound requirements, and regulating abortion clinics out of existence. Those are palatable to many voters. But the Personhood movement is so radical in carrying out the anti-abortion philosophy to its natural conclusion -- wanting to ban birth control on the flimsiest of scientific speculation, thinking that freezing embryos in pursuit of a wanted pregnancy is murder, and forcing birth on rape and incest victims -- that it alarmed Mississippi voters. The big picture is that is way too extreme for the vast majority of Americans. The problem for pro-choicers is that now they have to start arguing about birth control instead of working to ensure reproductive rights for women. 

I don't know that there's been a massive groundswell in Mississippi. They did elect, by 61 percent, Phil Bryant as governor. This would be the man who was co-chair of Yes on 26, who compared opponents of 26 to Nazis, and who said Monday that" the evil dark side that exists in this world is taking hold. And they're saying, what we want you to be able to do is continue to extinguish innocent life. You see, if we could do that, Satan wins."

There's a piece in the American Prospect today arguing that there was that effect on the vote. I think that could account for the spread between the 44 percent who said in the most recent poll that they opposed it and the 55 percent who actually did, but I also think voters' views on this changed over time. The head of the opposition cited an internal poll from two weeks ago showing 62 percent supported it, and earlier internals suggested even more support. I think the No on 26 campaign was effective in sowing serious doubt about the broader implications of a so-called Personhood amendment, and those implications properly scared voters.  

Well, Mississippi already has only one abortion clinic in the state, and the doctor has to be flown in weekly from out of state. The director of the clinic told me that doctors in Mississippi have told her they're pro-choice but they don't want to deal with the stigma and threatened (and sometimes real) violence that comes along with performing abortions. 

But you're right that this presents an issue for the broader pro-choice movement, which is constantly having to play defense with ever more extreme measures. I very much doubt that the 58 percent of Mississippian voters who opposed Initiative 26 are all in favor of abortion rights. The best thing pro-choicers can hope for is that these voters consider what happens down the slippery slope in a broader loss of reproductive freedom, and re-evaluate their positions. 

It's already happened. 

I believe the number is three. According to this 2008 study, "35% of women of reproductive age lived in the 87% of counties that lacked a provider."