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There's no question that he's the beneficiary of the desire for an alternative to Romney and the inability of others to take advantage when they had the chance. Bachmann, Perry and Cain all had a shot at it but couldn't keep it going. Gingrich also has made great use of the debates. Without the debates, it's hard to say where he would be.

I don't agree that it shows a flaw in the primary process. We haven't really had any votes yet, so we're still in the pre-primary and caucus stage. In both parties, it's the case that primaries tend to be dominated by people who are more conservative or more liberal than their parties at large. But they are also the people who provide a lot of the energy and organizational muscle that are important in a general election. The challenge for all presidential candidates is to find a way to appeal to and energize the base of the party and preserve room to appeal to independent or swing voters in the general election. When parties nominate someone who has gone too far in accommodating the base, they often lose the general election.

Interesting theory! But I don't recall that Bob Dole had white hair.

His assets include long experience in national politics and in dealing with the issues Congress and the president confront every day. He's pretty comfortable handling questions that come his way on just about everything -- and then some. His liabilities are the fact that he's been undisciplined as a political leader and that he has operated as much or more with confrontation rather than cooperation. He did cooperate with Bill Clinton, but only after the government shutdown cost his party.

This is a fascinating question in part because we're dealing with a nominating process the Republicans have not had, which is to say proportional allocation of delegates in primaries and caucuses before April.

There are two ways to look at it. One is the momentum scenario, which is to say somebody wins a bunch of states early. Let's say Gingrich won Iowa, narrowly lost New Hampshire (not saying that will be the case, but certainly possible), wins South Carolina, wins Florida. Does he have the momentum that point that the party rallies behind him and whoever is second--presumably Romney--has to call it quits. That's what's happened in some races in the past -- certainly that's what happened with John Kerry in 2004.

But let's say Gingrich were to win Iowa, South Carolina and Florida. At best he would have a small lead in delegates. Romney has a lot of money -- he's spending this week raking in as much as he can at a bunch of fundraising events -- and is not that far behind in the delegate count. Perhaps he will have stirred up establishment Republican fears about Gingrich at this point and then can look toward later primaries, which are winner-take-all in some form or fashion, and overtake Gingrich.

Or let's say Romney unexpectedly wins Iowa, or wins Florida after winning New Hampshire and Nevada. Then you've got a different race.

So, bring on the voters!

Empathy is something of a shorthand for a question that goes as follows: "Which candidate do you think best understands the problems of people like you?"

It's a measure of how people judge whether a candidate can identify with them and their own lives. In our poll, Gingrich runs better than Romney.

I think other candidates fear the Trump debate will be more about Trump and less about them. Trump is rarely overshadowed, especially when he bought the stage, lights and sound system. Gingrich loves the debates. Santorum needs the exposure. Others are understandably hesitant about playing. One way or another, if it comes off, it will be a show.

Ron Paul is a force in Iowa, according to our poll and interviews here in Iowa (I am in Des Moines this morning). He has a good organization here, which is why people like Gov. Terry Branstad expect him to finish well in the caucuses.

That depends on several things. One is obviously the state of the economy and the state of the Obama presidency. Many Republicans believe that if the economy is still bad, if unemployment is still high and if the president's approval ratings are in the low 40s, virtually anyone they nominate can win.

Let's say things are not quite that dire for the president next year, that his approval rating is in the mid-to-high 40s and that unemployment has ticked down further than the recent report that showed the rate at 8.6 percent. Then the Republican nominee's credentials, personality, ideas, temperament, etc., become a more significant factor.

Many Democrats and a number of Republicans see Gingrich as a riskier nominee for the GOP because of his history. That's why the Obama team long has assumed that Romney would be the likely nominee. But Romney has limitations that have made it difficult for him, so far, to consolidate the Republican base.

Anyone who says they know how this race is going to play out is fooling you. Perhaps Gingrich is peaking at the right time. Perhaps he's peaking too early. Haley Barbour said he wouldn't yet call this a two-person race and that he wouldn't write off Rick Perry, despite the problems Perry has had.

All I'm saying is there has been a rush to judgment by the political community throughout 2011. The latest chapter is the rush to declare Gingrich the likely nominee. This race is still very open.

Good question. Though remember, those Lincoln-Douglas debates were in 1858 when they were running for the Senate, and Douglas was elected to the Senate (this was when legislatures elected senators, not voters).

I'm shocked that you're taking shots at my friend Cillizza. You will not get Fix love for Christmas with this attitude!

Or maybe you're not taking shots at him! In any case, the more the merrier in trying to write about, let alone understand, this election.